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Pamphlets V9 news card: Russia forces its last major independent newsroom to close

Russia’s Last Major Independent Newsroom Is Forced to Close

Writer: Vladimir Derzhinky
Vladimir Derzhinky
2 hours ago
3 min read

Russia has finally forced Novaya Gazeta—the country’s most celebrated independent newspaper and one of its last critical newsrooms still operating inside the country—to stop publishing.

Editor-in-chief Sergei Sokolov announced Friday, October 30, that the paper will cease operations on November 9. The shutdown ends a 33-year run built on investigations of state corruption, war crimes, police abuse and the fortunes of Russia’s ruling class. It also marks a strategic victory for a government that has spent years replacing journalism with obedience.

“It is the story of a country and a society that are being systematically crushed,” Sokolov wrote.

The state did not need to issue one final ban. It strangled the institution piece by piece. Authorities had already blocked Novaya’s website, canceled its media registration and designated the entire editorial team “foreign agents.” Financial organizations then cut off the newspaper’s online donations. Its landlords ordered the staff out of the Potapovsky Lane newsroom by November 9 after 29 years in the building.

Novaya Gazeta's longtime newsroom building on Potapovsky Lane in Moscow
Novaya Gazeta’s longtime newsroom building on Potapovsky Lane, Moscow, photographed in 2008. Photo: NVO / Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA 3.0.

That office carries more than desks and files. It contains a memorial museum to Anna Politkovskaya, Novaya’s fearless reporter on Chechnya and Vladimir Putin’s security state, who was shot dead in her Moscow apartment building in 2006. Six Novaya journalists have been murdered for their work. The exhibits will go into storage while the newsroom empties.

The pressure accelerated this year. In April, investigators searched Novaya’s office for 13 hours in a case alleging unlawful access to computer information and misuse of personal data. Journalist Oleg Roldugin was arrested and later placed under house arrest. On October 15, officers searched Sokolov’s home.

This was not the death of a normal business. It was the slow execution of a public institution.

Novaya began publishing in 1993 with support from former Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev. Its reporting survived assassinations, lawsuits, raids and constant surveillance. Former editor Dmitry Muratov shared the 2021 Nobel Peace Prize for defending freedom of expression.

When Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Novaya printed a bilingual Russian-Ukrainian edition and called the war “madness.” New censorship laws ordered journalists to repeat the Kremlin’s “special military operation” formula. Novaya refused. It left blank spaces where propaganda would have gone, then halted its print edition rather than publish state lies.

The paper still improvised. Staff produced magazines in runs of 999 copies, staying just under the threshold that required an official license. Journalists maintained a website despite blocks and legal threats. Many employees left the country and formed Novaya Gazeta Europe, a legally separate outlet that will continue. A core team stayed in Moscow, preserving something exile could not replace: independent witnesses inside the system they investigated.

That domestic presence is what the Kremlin has now destroyed. Exiled reporting can expose power, but reporters on the ground hear the factory worker, visit the courtroom, inspect the prison colony and document the quiet forms of coercion that rarely cross a border. Removing them narrows what Russians can know about their own country and what the world can know about Russia.

Amnesty International called the closure a “devastating loss,” pointing to decades of prosecutions, raids and attacks. That assessment matters, but the record is even harsher. Novaya’s enemies did not merely punish individual stories. They dismantled the financial, legal and physical conditions that allow any independent reporting to exist.

Press officer Nadezhda Prusenkova put the defeat plainly: “At this moment in time, it seems like they have won.” She also said the journalists would probably seek another way to work because they know no other trade.

That refusal outlasts a building and a masthead. But Russia’s public sphere is darker today. A government that fears facts has closed a newsroom whose dead already proved the cost of telling them.

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